Election 2024: Independent Ireland wants to do the hokey pokey with the electorate

Big promises, few details

The party’s pre-election document, for example, commits to increasing the salaries of primary care doctors and nurses to ensure they remain in Ireland; the exact amount our frontline healthcare workers might receive is not outlined, however. Neither is how such a pay increase might be arrived at outside public sector pay agreements.

There are big promises to hire more teachers, and to increase funding for special needs assistants, early childcare services, and capitation grants for schools.

RESULTS: GENERAL ELECTION 2024

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Cork East

Cork North Central

Cork North West

Cork South Central

Cork South West

Kerry

Clare

Limerick City

Limerick County

Tipperary North

Tipperary South

Waterford

Dublin Bay North

Dublin Bay South

Dublin Central

Dublin Fingal East

Dublin Fingal West

Dublin Mid West

Dublin North West

Dublin Rathdown

Dublin South Central

Dublin South West

Dublin West

Dun Laoghaire

Carlow/Kilkenny

Kildare North

Kildare South

Laois

Longford/Westmeath

Louth

Meath East

Meath West

Offaly

Wexford

Wicklow

Wicklow/Wexford

Cavan/Monaghan

Donegal

Galway East

Galway West

Mayo

Roscommon/Galway

Sligo/Leitrim

But how many more teachers the party want to recruit or the level of funding that is being committed to is non-existent.

A single table at the end of the 25-page document does reveal that all health-related spending will cost €2.95bn, plus the current budget of €6.9bn, while the costs associated with all of the party’s education proposals will come to €320m.

None of the costings are broken down further than a simple top-line figure.

Perhaps the lack of firm details on many of the aspirations contained in the manifesto launched in Athlone yesterday, comes down to the structure of this new political entity, which is a little problematic when aiming for unity.

Contradiction of an independents' party 

Asked about how the party might operate in a coalition given the fact that it will not operate a traditional whip system like other parties, Limerick TD Richard O’Donoghue explains: “It’s like being in a marriage or in a relationship, you’ll agree on 90% of it, but 10% you’ll never agree. 

“We’ll agree to disagree, and that is democracy.

“We will agree a budget based on our policies, if that is to be the case, but anything outside of that, that’s democratic. We want to have an open vote.”

Retaining your independent streak while conforming to a consensus that is required to be a member of a party is something that Independent Ireland leader Michael Collins seems to be grappling with.

When asked why a number of controversial proposals raised in an interview earlier this year — including chemical castration of sex offenders, the handing down of a 25-year jail sentence on a third conviction and the legalisation of prostitution — are not included in the manifesto, he reverts to the third person: 

“First of all, that was a one-to-one interview by Michael Collins to Hot Press magazine, which are my personal views in relation to certain issues that you’ve raised." 

Third person singular

When you are leader of a party, you cannot decide when you get to go into third person opinion or when you are speaking on behalf of your grouping because every utterance is taken as reflecting the wider cause.

Micheál Martin speaks for Fianna Fáil, just as Holly Cairns speaks for the Social Democrats, and Simon Harris Fine Gael.

If any leader were to diverge from stated party policy, especially in the heat of an election campaign, there would be serious media scrutiny of these statements and questioning of the party itself.

Pressed on the chemical castration issue, Collins continues to speak on behalf of Collins: “Chemical castration, what I would say to you if somebody sexually abuses a child on more than one occasion, and we see it on a regular basis, most people that I meet feel that that should be a sentence that should be considered.

But it’s not for Michael Collins to dictate [to] Independent Ireland.

“It’s Michael Collins’ view that people who violate our children and are carrying out serious rapes, that there should be a serious sentence attached and that’s not there at the present time.”

It’s hard to know if he is speaking for his party or person before he adds: “Our policy states very, very clearly that we want to be strong on sentencing and the sentencing of serious attacks on our people out there whether it’s male or female, that it is met with the proper sentences that are not happening at this present time.”

In 2013, the Cork South-West TD provided a character reference for a man who was convicted of defilement of a minor.

“I made a human mistake,” he said. “It’s a mistake I wouldn’t make today after going through, I suppose, the political life that I have, and I met so many people out there with difficulties in their lives because of serious crimes.”

In that now infamous Hot Press interview, Collins suggested that sex workers “provide a service” and went onto advocate for legalisation.

When further clarity is sought on this point and the fact that there is now no mention of this in the Independent Ireland manifesto, Collins begins: “This is something that the public might well have to play a part in at some stage in this country, it is incredible to think that...”

With that he is cut off by a party member handling media questions: “You’ve answered that.”

Collins agrees “Yes, I’ve answered that”, before the party handler tries to move the questioning along.

For well over an hour, the four elected Independent Ireland men — Collins, O’Donoghue, Michael Fitzmaurice, and Ciaran Mullooly — sat behind a trestle table and spoke at length on immigration, planning laws, agriculture, and public spending waste.

The two women and fellow Independent Ireland candidates sitting at each end of the table remained silent throughout and were not introduced to the media at the outset.

One category of women is mentioned in the manifesto: Fisherwomen and women farmers.